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  • Foto van schrijverSjoerd Wadman

The French-German axis, the faltering engine of Europe

Bijgewerkt op: 28 jun.


France is our homeland, Europe is our future.

François Mitterrand                           


The reunification of Germany and the European unification are two sides of the same coin.

Helmut Kohl


For centuries Germany and France were sworn enemies and fought many armed conflicts. In recent history this included the Franco-Prussian War, the First World War and the Second World War. During the 19th century both France and Prussia were driven by nationalist sentiments and the ambition to increase their power and prestige in Europe. The Franco-Prussian War, which lasted from 1870 to 1871 meant a devastating defeat for Second French Empire. France had to cede Alsace and part of Lorraine to the new German Empire, which emerged from the Prussian-led North German Confederation. This humiliation and the unification of Germany under Prussian leadership fueled French revanchism, which after decades contributed to the outbreak of WW I. When Germany invaded Belgium in 1914, France declared war on Germany. The terrible trench warfare that followed led to millions of deaths. The war ended in 1918 when Germany requested an armistice. The Germans could no longer hold out when the Americans sided with France and Great Britain and sent troops. Germany paid a high price signing the Treaty of Versailles. France regained the territories they had to cede in 1871 and large parts of Prussia went to Poland. Germany had to pay sky-high reparations, which resulted in serious dissatisfaction and fueled nationalism. The Germans considered the 440-point Treaty of Versailles a diktat, not a treaty. Massive protests followed and the weak Weimar Republic could not resist the rise of National Socialism. And what the French commander-in-chief Ferdinand Foch already predicted when the Treaty of Versailles was signed ("This is not peace. This is a 20-year armistice") came to pass. In 1939, the Second World War broke out when Germany invaded Poland. And again millions of people lost their lives.


After World War II France and Germany reconciled and their rapprochement provided the foundation for European unification. Lawyer and French Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1948 to 1952, Robert Schuman, was one of the founding fathers of European Unity. Born in Luxembourg, he experienced French-German animosity up close and became convinced that lasting peace and cooperation between Germany and France was necessary for a united Europe. Together with his compatriot Jean Monnet, he drew up the famous Schuman plan, which was published on May 9, 1950. This date is considered the birthday of the European Union. The plan involved placing the production of coal and steel under common authority, the most important raw materials for the arms industry. After all, if a country had no control over the production of coal and steel, that country could not start a war. German Chancellor Adenauer immediately supported Schuman's plan, followed by the governments of Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands, creating the European Coal and Steel Community in April 1951.


Schuman and Adenauer's peace initiative is the precursor of the EU. Yet European unification turned out to be a long process that has not yet been completed. French President Charles de Gaulle appeared to be much less positive about European integration. Nevertheless, Adenauer and de Gaulle signed the Élysée Treaty in 1963, which strengthened French-German cooperation and contributed to further European unification. In the 1970s, French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and the German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt worked together to establish the European Monetary System, an initiative that would lead to a common European currency a few decades later. In the 1980s, French President Francois Mitterand and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl strengthened relations between the two countries. During the long-term leadership of both statesmen, they worked together with great dedication on the reconciliation between France and Germany, for which they received the Karls Prize in 1988. Their efforts were illustrated by the ceremony in memory of the First World War in 1984, when Kohl and Mitterrand stood next to each other, hand in hand. The duo also worked tirelessly for European unification. In 1986 they signed the Single European Act, the legal basis for the European internal market, and in 1992 their joint ambition was realized with the signing of the Maastricht Treaty: one European market.


After taking office in 2017 the French president Emmanuel Macron and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel did work together on various EU initiatives. Macron is an outspoken supporter of further European unification, but the German Chancellor was more reluctant, mainly because of the fear of a European transfer union in which economically strong countries pay for the debts of economically weaker countries. The French-German cooperation, crucial for the European Union, became even more difficult when Olaf Scholz took office as German Chancellor at the end of 2021. The difficult relationship between the two heads of state has a personal component, the outspoken Macron and the reserved Scholz clearly are no friends. But more importantly, they openly disagree on key European issues. Their ideas about the future of the EU, economic reforms and further unification differ considerably. Their views on aid to Ukraine also differ. Macron does not shy away from confrontation and even dares to think out loud about boots on the ground. Scholz, although he seems to be slowly changing his mind, is reluctant to support Ukraine. His attitude can to a certain extent be understood from the German sense of guilt regarding the Second World War. His social democrat party (SPD) has a long tradition of rapprochement with Russia, the country that suffered so much from the Nazi aggression, which Willy Brandt started under the name ‘Neue Ostpolitk’ (the New Eastern policy). However, Scholz and his SPD by now should realize that today's Russia no longer deserves this détente policy. As sincere as the détente was under the Chancellors Brandt and Schmidt, under the opportunistic and headstrong social democrat Gerhard Schröder the relationship with Russia has completely gone off the rails. Schröder, a long-time friend of Putin and to this day reluctant to acknowledge that this friendship is inappropriate, has made Germany far too dependent on Russian gas. The former chancellor still refuses to relinquish his positions as a board member of various Russian gas companies, positions that he obtained in a very questionable manner, even now that it is completely clear that Putin is using energy as a weapon.


The recent European Parliament elections point to a further deterioration of the Berlin - Paris axis. Both leaders are unpopular in their own countries and and the populist right is looking forward to a growing number of voters. Both Germans 'Alternative für Deutschland' (AfD) and the ‘Rassemblement national’ of Marine Le Pen are strongly nationalist parties, negative towards the power of Brussels, and downright Russia-friendly. If these parties become part of the governments in Berlin and Paris after the next elections, this will have a major impact on European cooperation. The EU's two largest economies and most influential countries have a leading role in determining the Union's direction. Both countries largely determine the agenda and priorities. Their consensus is crucial for European initiatives, such as the accession of new member states, the setting up of a fiscal union or a joint defense policy.


The EU is highly dependent on French-German cooperation. Germany is the economic giant providing financial strength, but lagging innovation and high energy prices due to the loss of Russian gas are slowing growth. France, the only nuclear power within the EU, and a geopolitical player with a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, is trending towards a nationalist course. The EU's engine is faltering. And that's no good, at a time when Europe needs more rather than less integration. However, despite the worrying developments there is no realistic alternative for the Franco-German axis. Their relationship will remain of great importance for the entire EU, regardless their leaders and governments.

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